Somaliland: I saw and tried to reach for it—but its grasp exceeded my reach!! By Jaafar M Sh

“Wallee duul siyaasada qaldaan qiiq ka kici waayin.”
“When coteries misuse the art of politics, it’s bound to cause war and turmoil.”
Cabdi Muxumed Amin: Poet, Play Wright and Actor
Geriatric president of the self-declared Somaliland, Axmed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo), said on 10 November 2015 that he will not be running for the presidency in 2017. He made the announcement at Kulmiye Party gathering at the Mansour Hotel in Hargeisa. He said that he would be stepping aside to give opportunity to friends and politicians in the 2017 elections. The president said that his subsequent role will be that of “a statesman of the party and nation.” He unilaterally chose Muuse Biixi Cabdi, head of the Kulmiye Party as the party’s presidential candidate for the 2017 election.
The three candidates of the party challenging Cabdi come from Sacad Muuse, a sub-lineage of the Isak tribe. Cabdi (Samatar lineage) said, “I will talk to my cousins” in reference to his tribal affiliation with Maxamed Yoonis Biixi (shirdoon lineage) and Abdi-casiis Samaale (Abdalle Abokor lineage). Geedoole, former minister of education and a member of the Kulmiye Democratic Coalition (KDC), splinter group of Kulmiye said, “the election of the party was not democratic rather it was a competition between sub-lineages of [Sacad Muuse].” One lineage backed Abdi and the other rallied behind Maxamed Yoonis Biixi. Abdi’s nomination without contestants from other members of the party was carried out with the predictable result. Axmed Abdi Kijaandhe, a candidate from the A’rab (no relations to Arab) lineage said the party members were coerced to vote for Abdi; and that additional voter cards for nonexistent members were put in the party’s ballot box. Samaale said the president had hand-picked autocratic members in violation of party rules and regulations.
The KDC accused the president of bias and manipulation of party rules and regulations; and rejected Abdi’s presidential nomination. The Central Committee of the party—in the absence of its key central figures—went ahead with the nomination and election of Abdi.
The outcome of the party’s convention was that Abdi and the incumbent Vice-President Abdiraxman Cabdillahi Ismail (Saylic) were to be the 2017 candidates for president and vice-president. While Abdi went unchallenged, the vice-president was challenged by Saleeban Iise (Xaglo toosiye), the sitting Minister of Health. Three hundred and sixty-five party members casted their votes. Saylici garnished 230 votes while his contender Xaglo Toosiye received 114. Xaglo Toosiye was not pleased with the outcome but conceded reluctantly to the incumbent vice-president. In his concession speech, he said the selection process needs review rather than alleging that the process had been unfair.
Saylici would have been the natural successor to the president but the president bypassed him even though he has been his vice-president over five years. The transfer of power to Abdi ensures that the presidency doesn’t slip to Gadabursi and Dhulbahanta tribes. The transfer of mantle also serves as a reward to Abdi who has wanted the presidency since the guerrilla years. The vice-president lukewarmly accepted the vice-presidency nomination.
The Kulmiye Party has been very unpopular since its rise to power in 2010. The party’s inward corruption and tribal horse trading have damaged Somaliland.
Abdi is a controversial figure. He reminds people of the dark days of Somaliland. He is a bitter man who believes he deserves to lead Somaliland because he fought for it. He is often referred to as mujahid (living martyr). His recent comments indicate that he will rule Somaliland with tribalism, the country’s glaring Achilles heel. If he wins the election of 2017, it will not be because of programs to improve Somaliland, but rather appealing to tribal fealty; and as a veteran guerrilla of the Somali National Movement. The sidelining of the vice-president combined with Abdi’s jingoistic and truculent personality will not garnish much support from the Gadabursi, the Dhulbanta and others. The pogroms of his movement are fresh in the minds of the people of these communities.
The Justice and Development Party (UCID) and Somaliland National Party (Waddani) are the two parties that will be challenging Abdi. UCID is already being dismantled by its chairman Faysal Cali Waraabe, a man bordering on catatonic. He undermined his own party in order to get rid of the Jamal Cali Xusseen presidential candidate of the party and his running mate Abdi-rashiid Xassan Matan. Matan has ready resigned and Faysal is posturing to be the candidate of the party even though he lost two previous presidential bids. There is speculation that he might select Xaglo Toosiye as his vice-president in an effort to integrate Dhulbahanta for the first time—even though Xaglo Toosiye doesn’t have many followers from his tribal constituency. Waddani is led by Abdiraxman Maxamed Cabdillahi (Cirro), who has a large number of followers but whose temper might lead to the downfall of his party. He was chairing the Somaliland legislature a few months ago when an argument erupted over a vote to extend the current president’s mandate to 2017. His Vice-Chairman Baashe (Dhulbahante) opposed a vote that was to take place. Cirro wacked Baashe’s head with his fist during the ensuing fist fight after Baashe pulled the microphone away from him.
Somaliland’s three political parties are all owned by the various lineages of the Isak tribe. None of them has an ideology or political programs that transcend tribe. None of the parties show respect for their bylaws, or for the “constitution” to which they are supposed to revert to when disputes arise. Some of the leaders are sycophants; and cabinet members have marriage ties to the Gadabursi, Dhulbahante, Warsangeli Isse and tribes. They are supposed to keep tabs on these tribes through marriage—even though they have no mandate from their tribes. This political arrangement is working for these individuals but they are disconnected from the concerns of their communities. The Isak tribe has seen a country almost within their grasp, but they are unable to reach it by themselves. They need the manpower and support of the non-Isak constituency in order to grasp what is almost within reach. Unless they are willing to share power genuinely, their lone stick will snap by itself in the 2017 elections. Voter registration is unlikely to take place in Eastern Somaliland as Dhulbahante and Warsangeli tribesmen will ransack ballet boxes, burn identity cards and encourage their nascent Khatumo State. In Western Somaliland, the population has been displaced by drought, and difficult roads make it almost inaccessible. Somaliland must also deal with an active armed movement in Western Somaliland which is opposed to Somaliland’s unilateral declaration of independence.
jaafarjama@hotmail.com

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